Everything about Chiapas totally explained
Chiapas is the southernmost
state of
Mexico, located towards the southeast of the country. Chiapas is bordered by the states of
Tabasco to the north,
Veracruz to the northwest, and
Oaxaca to the west. To the east Chiapas borders
Guatemala, and to the south the
Pacific Ocean.
Chiapas has an area of . The 2005 census population was 4,293,459 people.
In general Chiapas has a humid, tropical climate. In the north, in the area bordering Tabasco, near Teapa, rainfall can average more than per year . In the past, natural vegetation at this region was lowland, tall perennial
rainforest, but this vegetation has been destroyed almost completely to give way to agriculture and ranching. Rainfall decreases moving towards the
Pacific Ocean, but it's still abundant enough to allow the farming of bananas and many other tropical crops near
Tapachula. On the several parallel "sierras" or mountain ranges running along the center of Chiapas, climate can be quite temperate and foggy, allowing the development of
cloud forests like those of the
Reserva de la Biosfera el Triunfo, home to a handful of
quetzals and
horned guans.
The state capital city is
Tuxtla Gutiérrez; other cities and towns in Chiapas include
San Cristóbal de las Casas,
Comitán, and
Tapachula. Chiapas is home to the ancient
Maya ruins of
Palenque,
Yaxchilan,
Bonampak,
Chinkultic, and
Tonina.
Most people in Chiapas are poor, rural small farmers. "Chiapas is aptly described as rich land with poor people." About one quarter of the population are of full or predominant
Maya descent, and in rural areas many don't speak
Spanish. The state suffers from the highest rate of malnutrition in Mexico, estimated to affect more than 40% of the population. "Without roads, cities or even small towns, eastern Chiapas is a kind of dumping ground for the marginalized, in which all of the hardships peasants confront in the highlands are exacerbated."
Other social issues involve the increasing presence of the Central American gangs known as
Maras, and illegal immigration from Central America in general, mostly directed towards the United States, but further aggravating the panorama of local poverty. This floating influx of people is frequently subject to abuse and human rights violations from Mexican authorities.
In 1994, there was an outbreak of violence between the Mexican Government and the
Zapatista Army of National Liberation (the EZLN or Zapatistas). Today, the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, named in honour of
Emiliano Zapata) has rejected the use of force and seek to be recognized as a voice of the disenfranchised. There are currently 32 "rebel autonomous zapatista municipalities" (independent Zapatista communities, MAREZ in Spanish), affiliated with the EZLN in Chiapas: examples of these communities are
Ocosingo and
Las Margaritas.
History
Pre-Columbian
Chiapa de Corzo (Mesoamerican site), in the center of Chiapas, shows evidence of periodic occupations throughout pre-history, and evidence of continual occupation since 1400
BCE. The oldest
Maya Long Count date yet discovered, equivalent to December 36 BCE in the
Gregorian calendar, was found on one of several monument shards there.
In approximately 800 CE, Mangue-speaking
Chiapaneca peoples from the north conquered the native
Zoque and Maya towns. The mounds and plazas at Chiapas de Corvo date to approximately 700 BCE with the temple and palace constructed during the
Late Formative, perhaps 400 BCE to 200 CE.
The Maya city of
Palenque was founded in the early Pre-classic, with the first large structures constructed around 600 CE.
History through the 19th century
Chiapas was conquered by
Spain in the early 16th century, and became part of the
Viceroyalty of
New Spain, administered as part of the
Kingdom of Guatemala (what is now
Central America), from
Santiago de Guatemala.
When Central America achieved its independence from Mexico in 1823, western Chiapas was annexed to Mexico. More of current day Chiapas was transferred after the disintegration of the
Central American Federation in 1842, and the remainder of the current state taken from Guatemala in the early 1880s by President
Porfirio Díaz.
Chiapas remained one of the parts of Mexico least affected by change, with the descendants of the Spanish continuing to exercise much control over the native peoples through such institutions as
debt peonage, despite attempts by the central government to abolish those practices.
In 1868 there was an armed native rebellion, led by the
Tzotzil Maya as well as
Tzeltal, Tojolabal, and Ch'ol; it almost succeeded in taking
San Cristóbal, then the state capital, before it was suppressed by the Mexican army.
Zapatista Army of National Liberation
In the twentieth century some people in Chiapas felt that their poor and largely
agricultural area had been ignored by the government since enactment of the
constitution of 1917. One of the chief complaints was that many indigenous farmers were required to pay absentee landlords, despite the fact that since the 1920s the Mexican government had been promising the peasants ownership of the land they'd farmed and lived on for generations. Article 27 of the 1917 constitution guaranteed
indigenous peoples the right to an
ejido or communal land. As Mexico restructured its economy after the
1982 financial crisis, the state sector shrank due to privatizations and reorganization while land reform became less of a priority (it had long since been completed in most of the country, with Chiapas as a notable exception). The Mexican government under President
Carlos Salinas de Gortari sought to liberalize the closed and autonomous economy and increase its openness to trade. As part of this process Mexico repealed the constitutional guarantee of communally owned ejidos for rural communities. As the
North American Free Trade Agreement came into effect on
January 1,
1994, the indigenous peoples of Chiapas—struggling to make a living with few resources—felt increasingly left behind.
Such dissatisfaction led to the rise of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Zapatistas, or
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional), which began an armed rebellion against the federal government on
January 1,
1994 as a response to the implementation of
NAFTA. In the same year, a large meeting of thousands of supporters of the
anti-globalization movement was held in Chiapas. Some groups, such as the pacifist group
Las Abejas, sympathize with the goals of the Zapatista revolution but not with the use of violence to accomplish those goals.
Zapatista rebels are most comprised of Tzotzil and some Tzeltal. Besides a
language, Tzeltal is also an
identity and
ethnicity. “In some highland communities, some people referred to the Zapatistas in native Tzotzil as “trouble makers” or as “thieves”— a reference to
marauders who roamed the countryside in the
1910–
1920 decade of the
Mexican Revolution.”
The Zapatistas have been cut off by the
government from goods, political power, and their growth economically, because of the rebellion and for declaring themselves to be at war with the state of Mexico. “Such circumstances played in fueling the frustrations on which the Zapatistas capitalized.”
The group is named after the iconic revolutionary leader
Emiliano Zapata who fought during the Mexican Revolution in the 1910s. Zapata gained enormous respect throughout Latin America for defending the rights of the poor agricultural sector of Mexico. The Zapatistas were in principle a peaceful movement that was pushed to use the force of arms to guarantee the indigenous right to ejidos.
Another view of this could be that, the Zapatistas movement started out as one that was bloody,
violent, and horrifying with an untold number of indigenous left dead in the streets; the numbers are estimated to be from 150-500. This was a movement that started out with the raiding and seizing of 4 cities in Chiapas (including
San Cristóbal de las Casas), over
600 ranches, and control over about a quarter of Chiapas. The Zapatistas took up
arms not because they wanted to, but were forced, because of a non-compliance from the Mexican state; who was allowing
corporate America to buy up their lands at cheap prices, and give nothing to the indigenous in return.
Sub-Comandante Marcos
Sub-Comandante Marcos, the face of the Zapatistas, succeeded in attracting international attention, with the innovative use of modern information and communication technologies.
Marcos, spokesperson of the Zapatistas, has been quoted as saying, “Why does the government [refuseto put] national politics on the agenda for negotiation? Are the indigenous people of Chiapas “Mexicans” only for the purpose of being exploited?” But as stated before, they can't be sure these numbers are correct because of election scandals. The Zapatistas have actually, or did, view the Mexican system as an ally to their communities, until the system turned on them once again. After the Mexican Revolution and land reform acts, they came to see the government as an ally, until the start of the Salinas government put an end to agrarian reform.
After the initial seizure of
San Cristóbal de las Casas in Chiapas, the Mexican army kept the Zapatistas bottled up in their rural strongholds. Sporadic armed repression by paramilitaries that appears to have been funded by local landowners, and with which elements in the federal government may have sympathized, followed. There was a series of massacres, most notably in 1997 in
Acteal, where 47
refugees from indigenous communities, mainly women and children, were killed in a church, after a National Peace Accord had been signed.
In 2000, the EZLN renewed its revolt, autonomizing a number of villages and sending a delegation into
Mexico City. While the delegation didn't obtain everything it sought due to opposition in Congress, which the support of President
Vicente Fox wasn't able to overcome, the villages remain under Zapatista control, in large part due to the local villagers and their support of the group. In August 2003, the EZLN declared all Zapatista territory an autonomous government independent of the Mexican state. Since then, the armed EZLN has been lying low to some extent working on the government level to implement health care and educational institutions in poor rural indigenous communities that had until then been ignored and discriminated against by the central government. Anti-Zapatista paramilitary activity continues, pointing to the threat of re-escalation.
In actuality,The Zapatistas continue to campaign, their efforts are continuous for indigenous autonomy and for humanity, are still going on today; without any clear progress. Currently the rebel movement is attempting to gain sovereignty and autonomy from Mexican government. With the implementation of what is called the
Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle and the launching of
The Other Campaign, the Zapatistas remain hard at work. "The Zapatistas, through Subcomandante Marcos, along with other Indigenous peoples of the Americas, announced the Intercontinental Indigenous Encounter. They are inviting Indigenous from North and South America." The struggle of the Zapatistas isn't one that will go quietly into the night.
Geography
Chiapas is geographically divided into five zones. These are the rainforest, the highlands, the central valley, the Sierra Madre de Chiapas, and the Soconusco.
Rainforest
The tropical rainforest of Chiapas, which includes the Selva Lacandona, is quickly being deforested. This is due to population pressures forcing highlanders into the rainforest. These include
ladino (Spanish-speaking) landowners, indigenous and
mestizo campesinos of the
Ch'ol,
Tzeltal,
Tzotzil,
Tojolabal and other groups. Migrants from Chiapas are being joined by Guatemalans fleeing the
Civil War. These colonists constantly compete with one another for land, with the campesinos seizing or squatting on claimed land while landowners respond with the military or police. The economic activities of both groups contribute to the massive deforestation of the Lacandón. Rain falling on the forest drains into the
Usumicinta river, which forms the border between Chiapas and the
Petén department of
Guatemala. The river flows into the sea in
Tabasco, and deforestation may be a cause of the floods which inundated
Villahermosa in 2007
Highlands
The Central Highlands have been the population center of Chiapas since the Conquest. European
epidemics were hindered by the
tierra fría climate, allowing the indigenous peoples in the highlands to retain their large numbers. Indigenous peoples provided labor for Spanish conquistadors, who also heavily settled the highlands. Indigenous highlanders were conscripted into labor service on plantations, drafted into debt servitude, which was so widely practiced that Chiapas earned the illustrious title of "Mexico's slave state" in the late 19th century .
Since World War Two, the highlands have benefitted from a boom in the energy and petroleum sectors. However, economic growth in these industries didn't reach the subsistence farmers of the highlands..
Soconusco
The Soconusco lies in the southernmost corner of Chiapas. It shares many ties with
Guatemala, which claimed the territory until
1882. Since it was a part of the
Aztec empire, Soconusco has been known for its agricultural products. Then it was
cacao, now the main product is
coffee, which is grown on large plantations. These plantations were owned by German-Guatemalans and employed indigenous peoples of the
Mam group. The
tierra caliente climate of Soconusco allowed plantation agriculture to succeed, and in addition to coffee also grows
sugar cane,
rice,
maize, and
plantains.
The
Chiapas swordtail (Xiphophorus alvarezi) is named after this region.
Energy
The energy resources of Chiapas include the seven hydroelectric plants on Grijalva and its tributaries and petroleum in the north. Six out of these seven are located in the Central Valley, including the Manuel Moreno Torres plant in Chicoasén, the most productive in Mexico. All of the hydroelectric plants are owned and operated by the Federal Electricity Commission (
Comisión Federal de Electricidad, CFE), while the petroleum resources are owned by Petróleos Mexicanos,
PEMEX. . Overcrowded land in the highlands was relieved when the rainforest to the east was subject to land reform. Cattle ranchers, loggers, and subsistence farmers migrated to the rain forest. The population of the Lacandón was only 1,000 people in 1950, but by the mid-1990s this had increased to 200,000.
“Chiapas is almost an internal colony for the rest of Mexico, providing oil, electricity, timber, cattle, corn, sugar, coffee, and beans, but receiving very little in return.”, in
Tuxtla Gutierrez, featuring local, native fauna.
The Lagunas de Montebello, near Comitan.
The Cataratas de Agua Azul (Blue Waterfalls), near Palenque.
The Maya ruins of Bonampak, in the Lacandon rainforest (La Selva Lacandona), feature probably the finest and better-known Maya murals. These are very realistic, depicting human sacrifices, music players and life at the royal court.
The Lacandon Jungle is an important biodiversity spot, which recently yielded one of the newest and unique plant family discovered, represented by the plant Lacandonia schismatica.
The Soconusco, the south-eastern coastal region bordering Guatemala, is a tropical agricultural area devoted to the intensive production of bananas and coffee, for the national and international markets.
Chiapas is part of the Ruta Maya or Gringo Trail that links Cancun, Belice, Tikal, Lake Atitlan, San Cristobal de las Casas, Palenque and other Maya archeological sites.
San Cristóbal de las Casas is a favorite international tourist destination due to its colorful First Nations traditions and customs.
Agua Azul is a famous waterfall.
According to the limited geography model of the Book of Mormon, now widely accepted by LDS religious scholars, Chiapas is the most plausible location of the land of Zarahemla. Chiapas has since seen an increase in Mormon tourism.
Municipalities
Chiapas is subdivided into 118 municipalities (municipios). See
municipalities of Chiapas
Major communities
Chiapa de Corzo
Cintalapa
Comitán de Domínguez
Huixtla
Ocosingo
Ocozocoautla de Espinosa
Palenque
San Cristóbal de las Casas
Tapachula
Tonalá
Tuxtla Gutiérrez
Villaflores
Alcohol use
Alcohol use in rural Chiapas has been studied by North American anthropologists for over half-a-century. Many of these studies have included Tzotzil communities in the highlands of Chiapas. These studies done on alcohol use vary in their specific aim; some seek to understand ritualized drinking practices, some are more interested in casual drinking environments, and others still are focused on alcohol related abuse and methods used by rural Chiapanecos to quit drinking.
Fiesta
The celebration of Fiesta has been recorded in anthropological studies for decades. Fiesta is an annual celebration that serves to bring a community together through services, religious expression, and exchange. Throughout the celebration the use of alcohol pervades the atmosphere, and nearly everyone from public officials to the musicians consumes some amount of alcohol. Not all of this alcohol use is in the spirit of celebration though. Alcohol use has worked its way into numerous ritual acts related to Fiesta, commonly as a gift presented to colleagues during the celebration. In fact, offering alcohol to another can be an act of thanks, payment for work, and as a way to celebrate the work that has been done . The ritualized nature of these events is quite clear, as expressed by this passage from Eber (an example of celebration of successful work):
“When Victorio finishes distributing the money, the male server begins to serve shot glasses of rum. [ . . . Various helpers drink the rum . . .] Each answers Victorio and Angélika with “I am drinking” as they accept the cup and “I have finished” when they hand it back to the drink pourer.” .
Informal drinking
Christine Eber’s ethnography Women and Alcohol in a Highland Maya Town contains many telling accounts of non-ritual, informal/casual drinking. Through her accounts she illustrates that individuals in rural Chiapas begin and continue drinking for many reasons. Presented here are three of Eber’s accounts.
First, Eber points out that ritual drinking can lead to non-ritual drinking, or as in her example, individuals that drink heavily during fiesta don't always stop once fiesta is over . She talks about Victorio, who “. . . drank non-stop for twenty days” after fiesta had ended. Victorio’s wife showed concern for his well-being, but he insisted that he'd no problem and continued drinking heavily. Eventually Victorio was fighting with his close friends and becoming destructive, and it was due to the embarrassment brought on by his drunken actions that he first began to scale back on his drinking.
A second example of informal drinking comes in the form of Pascuala, who said that the death of her daughter caused her to start drinking . Pascuala’s daughter was five years old when she died, and her death hit Pascuala hard both because it was a shock and because she was left alone with nothing to help her cope but extensive housework and alcohol. Pascuala’s drinking began to pervade her daily activities, though she never drank when working out of town because she'd embarrass herself.
A third example of non-ritual alcohol use comes from Bartolo and Otelia, a married couple who both drank heavily . The couple’s neighbor, a relative, would often have to come over to break up fights, or take Otelia out of the house when Bartolo was particularly violent (he had chased her from their house on many occasions with a machete). Their drinking wasn't always physically destructive however, and many days they'd sit at the table and trade harsh insults. Their heavy drinking did make some friends and family uncomfortable and certainly put Eber on edge, but there had been no community-wide attempts to make them stop drinking.
By these ethnographic accounts we can see that drinking occurs in nearly any setting and for numerous reasons in rural Chiapas. Victorio was a man who let the ritual drinking of Fiesta run away with him . Bartolo and Otelia were simply an older couple who passed the time by drinking heavily . It should be noted that familial doesn't simply entail spousal abuse; accounts of familial abuse in rural Chiapas have been recorded from the perspectives of wives, husbands, fathers, mothers, daughters, sons, brothers, and sisters . Many times, the abused acknowledge alcohol as the primary source of the violence
However, alcohol isn't always seen as the primary catalyst of violence. Women have cited money (both the lack and procurement of), failure to adequately perform duties as wives, failure to produce children, lack of obedience, or the fact that, “ . . . they were men” as reasons for violence . When reading about alcohol related abuse in rural Chiapas, keep in mind that alcohol is only one facet of a multi-sided culture and that it would be a mistake to simply hold alcohol consumption responsible for violence.
Quitting
In Christine Eber’s ethnography Women and Alcohol in a Highland Maya Town she presents a few different accounts of people’s methods for quitting alcohol use . Pablo was a musician who, against the wishes of his friends, stayed sober during fiesta (many musicians use the stupor from alcohol to keep themselves awake and active throughout the event). He said that drinking does him harm, and that God said that heavy drinking would certainly kill someone. Instead of being paid with rum for his playing during fiesta, he took money that he and his wife used to buy what they wanted.
An account not related to Fiesta was of Angélika, who said “My dream cured me” . Angélika was asked how she came to quit drinking, and she recounted a dream that she had. In her dream, the Moon (the Virgin Mary) came from the sky and scolded her for continuing to drink because alcohol wasn't sustenance, and it dulled her nerves. The Moon further pointed out that Angélika’s friends were constantly embarrassing themselves due to alcohol use and that they were going to embarrass the Moon as well. Angélika finally states that the Moon gave her a medicine which she drank, and has yet to imbibe alcohol again.
Pablo’s method of quitting was an active decision on his part, which involved repeatedly turning down his friends’ gifts of drink
Birth
The first major life stage is birth. The creation of a child is thought to be due to the mixing of the “Hpwersa”-from the Spanish word for “force”- from both man and woman. Though the male is viewed as the major contributor in procreation, the woman’s role is also important, as she's the one responsible for providing nourishment and acting as a “receptacle” for the child. A midwife is employed to aid in the birth and also plays a role vital to the wellbeing of the child. After the child is born, it's censed with copal and prayers are recited over the child after which point the child is dressed in clean clothes. Following this step, the next rite establishes the sex identity and helps to fix the soul into the body. The midwife rubs salt two times on the top of the baby’s mouth and gives it three chilies in order to provide “heat” to the baby’s body which is, until this point, viewed as “cold”, carding comb, spindle, thread, a mano and needle. Following this step, the baby is returned to the mother however, both mother and child are swathed in blankets in order to help block them from the potentially harmful views of other individuals. The umbilical cord and placenta are buried behind the house and are used as a divine influence over the number of children that will be born as either male or female to the family. Though it isn't necessarily an illness, the mother is treated as if she's recovering from sickness for the next few weeks. She is confined to the house, must take three ritual sweat baths with the midwife, can't perform tasks she normally would had she not given birth, and is only allowed to eat “hot” foods. This process is possibly done to restore the mother to her previous state of equilibrium. Also during this time, the baby is guarded from view so that his/her soul is protected.
Baptism
The second major life stage is baptism. Because the Zinacanteco people were influenced by European culture, traces and combinations of Christian rituals are often incorporated into the four life stages, baptism included. Baptism, for Catholics, is the most important of the Seven Sacraments and is also quite important to the Zinacanteco as it's used to permanently fix the innate soul in the body if the child. It is viewed as a way in which to create bonds of ritual kinship between the parents and the godparents; this bond is known as compadrazgo. Baptism obligations “create(s) a network of interdependence among Zinacantecos which extends beyond the bonds of kinship and constitutes a most important basis to the dynamic of the society” Marriage
Marriage is the third stage in the life cycle. This stage is extremely important for a male because it isn't until he's married that he's viewed and treated as a full member of society. The courtship process of marriage is lengthy and can become expensive. With the help of family friends, relatives, compadres and the male’s parents, the costs of courtship are provided for properly. The courtship process begins with a male choosing a female and then choosing two “petitioners” to convince the female’s father to allow the marriage to take place. If the female’s father accepts, he accepts liquor that has been offered to him however, if he refuses, the petitioners try again but with the male’s second choice for a wife. Once the female’s father accepts the proposal a trial period takes place involving the male and female’s families to see if the relationship will actually work in practice. There is also a bride price to be paid but the payment is gradual and may take up to two years. Only after the bride price is paid does the female’s father allow the “house entering ceremony” to take place. Once this ceremony occurs, gifts are given from the male’s family to the female and both families can call each other “kumpadre” and “kumale”; this establishes a permanent compadrazgo relationship. The female’s father then selects two “embracers” to serve as ritual advisors to the couple. The actual wedding has three phases, including a civil ceremony, a church ceremony, and a house ceremony which is then followed by a ritual meal. During the house ceremony, the embracers formally introduce the female to her new home and then advise the couple on their mutual responsibilities as a married couple. A dance is performed around the couple by both families as a symbol of melding both families. However, since the Zinacanteco are patrilineal in descent and patrilocal in residence pattern, the female’s family no longer has any claim to her services and the embracers become her “parents”. This lengthy process is an example of separation, transition, and incorporation.Death
Death is the final stage of the life cycle though it isn't necessarily a result of “natural causes”. Death, to the Zinacanteco, may result from losing ones soul, having one’s animal companion released from its corral, irreversibly selling one’s innate soul to the Earth Lord or, very seldom, through physical injury. After the moment of death, the body is washed and the deceased’s head is placed “toward the setting sun” and then the area is fenced off within the house using household articles. There is a period of mourning and ritual meals that follow. The same night, the body is placed in a coffin including a small bag of money and charred, ground tortillas as sustenance for the afterlife. The following morning the coffin is taken out of the house. If the deceased was a married female, her widower must announce his choice for a new wife. After the coffin is outside the house, a women performs a rite that will “loosen the soul from the house”, “prevent the soul from returning to see its possessions”, and to “make it forget its house and not come back to frighten the living”.Episodes of symbols
As previously stated, most if not all rituals involve a culmination of several symbols in varied degrees. “Symbols are crucial in the Zinacanteco case, not only because the performance of ritual constitutes a focal concern of the society but also because it serves to store and transmit elements of the Zinacanteco prescriptions for a coherent and orderly society and to provide measured ways for the society to change over time”
Being able to see extends beyond the physical realm of visual perception. Seeing means to know or have insight in general. For example, Shamans can see into the mountains by way of dreams. In this way they're able to have a connection with the ancestral gods that live in the mountains. Also, the long process of education for the young is conceived as “learning to see”. The youth are thereby taught how to learn about, understand, and interpret the world as a responsible member of society would. This is an example of what would be called, in anthropology, enculturation.
Embracing is viewed as one of the most important duties of parents. They are expected to embrace their child, meaning they should care for the child so that's doesn't lose its innate soul. Throughout the four stages of life, there are always types of embracers and their responsibility is to guard and carry the soul of the individual they're “embracing”. On a larger scale, to the Zinacanteco, the Sun and the Maya moon goddess are the mother and father of the universe and by perpetually moving around their creation, they're thereby “embracing” it.
“Heat” symbolizes a general quality of existence and is accumulated with age and as power increases. Similarly, as was seen in the life stage of death, a deceased person is considered “cold” because right before death they're said to have reached their peak of “hotness”. Heat is used as a language to describe power differences in the universe. The candle is a physical item that combines two of the main actions and/or conditions including heat, light, and “disappearing”. The candle gives off physical heat, provides light for the action of seeing, and in going from solid to gas represents a transition from material to divine. The burning of copal, as in the life stage of birth, is used as a vehicle for transferring heat to the baby as well as a transition from the material to divine as with the candle.
Finally, the concept of time is also vital to the Zinacanteco. They are a people extremely concerned with knowing when plans are scheduled for, and actually, a wrist watch is almost always the first thing acquired in the industrial world
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